Differences in political engagement and subsequent participation have long been determined by various social factors, such as age, gender, ethnicity, and class. Socio-economic class acts as the backbone of British society, and despite the myth that we are becoming increasingly classless in nature, disparities in wealth distribution are just as high as they’ve always been (Jones, 2016).
Statistics show that voter turnout amongst the lowest socio-economic class (DE) in the last General Election stood at just 53%, as opposed to 69% amongst the highest social class (AB) (IPSOS Mori, 2017). So what is it about our current political climate that is failing to pique the interest of Britain’s unskilled and unemployed? Are we right to assume that this demographic is lacking in the relevant skills needed to engage politically? Or should we be questioning how the system has failed them in more ways than one? Are we correct to believe the narrative forced upon us by political and social commentators from the Right? Those that demonise the working class as being deviant and criminal, and characterise them by making reference to their “…decline in moral standards” (Murray, 1996:43). Maybe we should stop blaming the individual for their ‘personal failing’s, and instead cast our judgemental gaze towards a system that encourages and perpetuates vast social inequalities.
Figure 1.0 Shows electoral turnout in the 2017 General Election by social class, and exhibits the differences in voting behaviour between the highest social class (AB) and the lowest (DE) (IPSOS Mori, 2017).
Political socialisation begins in the home, and is an example of cultural capital in that it provides a foundation for future learning (Bourdieu and Passeron, 1977). It allows young people to develop skills that are crucial to them engaging in the political system when they reach voting age. But what about the kids that don’t receive a political education from their parents? Many children are unable to benefit from what they learn in the home, as those from lower socio-economic backgrounds often lack the required tools to engage in politics themselves, let alone transfer those skills onto their children. Verba, Schlozman, and Brady’s (1995) in-depth study into political activism and engagement in the US sheds light onto the various reasons why the lower classes are less likely to engage, citing lack of time, resources, and interest to name a few. 4.6 million people in the UK experienced ‘persistent poverty’ in 2015 (ONS, 2015), and 55% of households classed as living below the poverty line are working households (Barnett, 2016). It’s no wonder then, that those living on the breadline see no point in participating in the political game, where the suits in Westminster dangle welfare policies in front of their faces and then snatch them away and replace them with atrocities like the Bedroom Tax.
Where this leaves the children born into working-class households is at the bottom of the social and educational hierarchy, unable to compete with their middle-class counterparts, they slip through the cracks and become ‘part of the problem’. Only 24% of white working class males who receive Free School Meals (FSM) achieve the necessary 5 GCSE’s at A*-C, and the reality isn’t much better for females (32%) (Sutton Trust, 2016). FSM has long been an indicator of class, and is intended to improve the attainment of educational qualifications amongst the working classes. Why then, is the picture still so bleak for these young people?
Figure 2.0 Shows an examination hall. Around 40% of students will fail to achieve 5 GCSE’s at A*-C (Adams et al, 2017)
Batsleer and Humphries (2000:14) argue that “Citizenship matters because it can act as a powerful exclusionary device”, which is plain to see when considering why those of a lower social class continue to be disenfranchised from the political system. The correlation between educational attainment and predicted electoral turnout is prevalent in numerous studies, with data from the Citizenship Education Longitudinal Study (CELS) showing that those with a qualification at Level 2 or lower (GCSE’s and BTEC/NVQ vocational qualifications), have a reduced likelihood of voting or engaging in alternative forms of activism (e.g. protests) in comparison to those with Level 3 (A Level’s) or higher (Degree qualifications) (Hoskins and Janmaat, 2016).
However, schools have the ability to provide young people from disadvantaged backgrounds an opportunity to access knowledge on political issues, and therefore can be seen to positively encourage them to become more engaged in political and civic issues (Campbell, 2008). Despite disparities existing between children from a low socio-economic background, and those whose parents are more financially stable, the combination of compulsory citizenship classes and classrooms with an ‘open’ environment can be seen to have positive effects on the engagement of young people (Hoskins, Janmaat, and Melis 2017).
Realistically though, how meritocratic really is our society? To what extent does the education system truly bridge the gap between those who were born with all the opportunities in the world, and those who are taught to accept their position at the bottom of the pile? Maybe the first step in understanding why the working-classes are alienated from the political system is acknowledging that our society isn’t really equal or fair, and that some people have to work 10 times harder to achieve something that someone else could accomplish with their eyes closed.
Bibliography:
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