Starved from Political Discourse: A Class Deprived from Knowledge and Power?
(CNN, 2016).
A wave of political backlash was generated as Bernie Sanders contributed to the growing discourse which delves into the citizen participation paradigm. The former candidate’s hard-hitting claim is known to reflect the abysmal reality in deteriorating democracies (Graves, 2016). Sanders announced that radical and necessary change remains absent simply ‘because poor people don’t vote’ (NBC News, 2016). Despite what appears to be an unsettling statement, the truth prevails and resonates throughout Britain (Graves, 2016).
Figure A.1. (Ipos Mori, 2015).
In the UK the level of political engagement is measured by the number of people who partake in general elections. While the opportunity to vote is considered a privilege and embedded within the heart of democracy, the desire to vote appears to wither among particular groups (Verba, et al, 2002). In 2015 figure.A.1 reveals those of high managerial, administrative or professional positions (AB category) represent the highest turnout of 75% (Ipos Mori, 2015). Conversely, voting patterns among the working class reflect the lowest number of just 57% (Ipos Mori, 2015). In addition to this, VoteNone.Org (2015) highlights the emergence of ‘the UKs unheard third,’ exposing that 34% of registered voters deserted the ballot box (Figure A.2).
Figure A.2 (VoteNone, 2015).
What is increasingly becoming the norm poses detrimental effects as the governance of society is disproportionately determined by a wealthy minority (Verba, et al, 2002). The voices of the disenfranchised become silenced as the conservative-led government amplifies the needs of the establishment (Jones, 2014). An epidemic throughout British society ascends through this process as legislative bodies continue to betray and neglect the lives of the poor (Jones, 2014). The invasion of elitist interest is insidiously infatuated through slashing the taxes of the rich and corporations, privatisation and cutting public sectors, hindering the welfare state and curtailing the working rights of ordinary people (Jones, 2014). Therefore, voice and equality are central components to a representative process (Verba, et al, 2002). The very nature of democracy becomes eroded when poor people don’t vote and an upper-class ideology dominates the identity of British politics.
When the deprived drift away from political engagement it displays a nation that is no longer empowered and satisfied with the existing system (Piven & Cloward, 2012). A growing sense of alienation and cynicism towards the political world is embedded within those who are confronted by social inequalities (Croteau, 1995). In support of this, evidence provided by the IPPR report indicates a lack of faith in British politics (Figure A.3). The most disadvantaged were more likely to possess pessimistic attitudes, 59% of this group suggested that politics fails to address their needs in comparison to the 30% of middle class participants (IPPR, 2014).
Figure A.3 (IPPR, 2014).
Yet those on the margins of society not only feel powerless in regards to creating change and building their futures, but expected to partake in a system they feel disconnected from (Croteau, 1995). Inevitably, when seeking an explanation for this phenomenon the question of mass defiance or apathy arises. However, it may be worth refuting the standard assumptions and delve into the wider social structures influencing this current reality (Croteau, 1995). It can be described that cultural “tools” hinder the educational attainment of the poor, and thus their ability to navigate throughout the political environment (Croteau, 1995).
This idea has attracted academics to examine the relationship between socioeconomic status (SES) and the role of education. Hoskins et al, (2016) discovered early educational inequalities tend to be reinforced and exposed to students of lower SES and often possess low levels of self-efficacy. This poses Implications for civic engagement as inferior levels of self-efficacy and vocational outlets are linked to a reduction in voting intentions (Hoskins & Janmaat, 2015).
(Buren, 2014).
It is no coincidence that members of the middle class receive higher levels of educational attainment as well as represent the politically active population. Due to the disparities in education privileged individuals share a greater interest in politics, a sense of political efficacy, and perceive this to be a civic obligation (Croteau, 1995). Conversely, pupils belonging to a lower SES are known to possess poorer social and political skills, due to being confronted with inadequate educational tools that develop verbal and problem solving abilities (Croteau, 1995). Subsequently, the impoverished are less enlightened about the rewards of voting in comparison to their middle class counterparts. With this in mind, their circumstances give the poor less time, resources and energy to venture into the political arena (Jones, 2014). Therefore, it is time for an open classroom climate, an environment which facilitates debates and free-thinking practices. However, ‘inactive citizenship’ goes beyond the educational system, the ever-changing modern world distracts us from partaking in a system designed to help a collective.
(Crockett, 2016).
Instead individualistic notions are perpetuated and civic competencies taught through education battles against the time and space of autonomous individuals (Hoskins , et al, 2012). Yet research indicates the existing pathways of learning political discourse is in need of rejuvenating, depriving the disenfranchised of political attributes and knowledge demoralises their decision to vote. Therefore, a re-imaging of the educational system is required as a curriculum which engages those on the margins of society is a successful one. This is not only essential to heal the heart of democracy, but could encourage the voices of the unheard to echo throughout parliament and their decisions.
(MSL Group, 2011).
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