In this blog, I will be discussing the fact that there is a definite gap when it comes to social class and political engagement, especially in the area of voting. I am also going to discuss the many reasons why this may be and offer some potential solutions to consider in order to even out the turnouts for future elections. It is important to understand why there is such a difference in voter turnout, as an explanation could help to lessen the gap so that all class interests and voices are represented in government in future elections.

It is useful for us to first understand what is meant by social class. Social class refers to the status group to which an individual belongs to (Sociology Guide, 2017). There are many factors that make us part of one social class over another. For example, those in the old upper and middle classes tend to have higher academic achievements than those in the lower class. The idea that there are only three classes (upper, middle and lower) in the UK is no longer adequate however, as it is outdated and too simplistic to use in modern times (Metro, 2013). If we look at the table below (Fig.1), we can see that there are now six ‘social grades’ as opposed to the original three, each with their own unique characteristics (Ipsos MORI, 2009). There are many different ways of conceptualising class, but the social grades listed below are an easy way to refer to class in the UK.

Evidence suggests that those from the social grade C2 and DE are less likely to vote than those in social grade AB and C1 (Ipsos MORI, 2015). As we can see from the graph below (Fig.2), those in higher social grades had much higher turnouts for the 2015 general election than those in the lower social grades (Ipsos MORI, 2015). In fact, there was a 17% difference in turnout between the highest (AB) and the lowest (DE) social grade.

But why is there such a difference in how the classes vote? One argument is that members of C2 and DE social grades simply ‘don’t know’ about politics and feel that they do not have a legitimate and valid opinion compared to others (Laurison, 2015). Laurison hypothesises that this prevents them from engaging in political based conversation and activism. They can’t form an opinion on an issue as they do not have the background information to begin with. This then leads to a disinterest and apathy towards politics. Unfortunately, as a result of the lower social grades’ lack of interest and voice, the parties slowly begin to distance themselves from the ones that they claim to represent (Tilley, 2016).

So where does this apathy originate? Research has found that political interest and participation is reproduced within the family unit (McFarland & Thomas, 2006). McFarland and Thomas suggest that if parents show no interest in politics and do not engage with it in any form, then it is very unlikely that their children will have an interest on politics or be inclined to politically engage as a result. Those with lower levels of education are also far less likely to be politically engaged (Laurison, 2016). According to Laurison, those belonging to lower-classes tend to have lower academic achievement levels compared to those in the AB and C1 social grades. For example, children born into the higher grades usually go to private or grammar schools, or will go to the higher performing state schools in good catchment areas where they are with children of similar backgrounds. They are less likely to learn about politics in school than the upper and middle class children and if they already have no interest, it is very hard for teachers to encourage political participation so late in their development.

How can we encourage grades C1 and DE to engage with politics? As education inadvertently reproduces class inequalities (Hoskins et al, 2014), one way could be to improve citizenship education for children and young people in all schools, not just in grammar and private education. This could help to counteract the low levels of interest within C1 and DE homes and show children and teenagers how to get involved in politics. In my opinion, another solution is for politicians to remember who they stand for. Although Labour has traditionally stood for the working classes, their policies and ideas are becoming more separate from working class values. For example, Labour have shifted many of their policies to centre around immigration, excluding the average voters’ concerns for everyday issues, causing them to look elsewhere (The Economist, 2014). Their MPs do not represent the people they strive to help, so it’s no wonder people feel disconnected, when the only people representing them are the same as those representing the other classes. Politicians need to become more accessible to the C2 and DE grades.

To conclude, there definitely is a clear class difference in voting. The C2 and DE grades need to be shown that their views are just as valid and that they can get themselves heard. Politicians need to be aware of who they are actually representing and alter their policies, language and demeanour accordingly. As we live in a democracy, it is only fair that everyone get their say, but that unfortunately is not happening on an equal scale across our class system today.

 

References –

The Economist. (2014). The new working class. Available: http://www.economist.com/blogs/blighty/2014/06/labours-electorate. Available: http://www.economist.com/blogs/blighty/2014/06/labours-electorate. Last accessed 6th March 2017.

Hoskins, B., Janmaat, J., Han, C, & Muijs, D (2014): Inequalities in the education system and the reproduction of socioeconomic disparities in voting in England, Denmark and Germany: the influence of country context, tracking and self-efficacy on voting intentions of students age 16–18, Compare: A Journal of Comparative and International Education

Ipsos MORI. (2009). Social Grade: A Classification Tool. Available: https://www.ipsos-mori.com/DownloadPublication/1285_MediaCT_thoughtpiece_Social_Grade_July09_V3_WEB.pdf. Last accessed 3rd March 2017.

Ipsos MORI. (2015). How Britain Voted in 2015. Available: https://www.ipsos-mori.com/researchpublications/researcharchive/3575/How-Britain-voted-in-2015.aspx. Last accessed 3rd March 2017.

Laurison, D. (2015). The Willingness to State an Opinion: Inequality, Don’t Know Responses, and Political Participation. Sociological Forum. 30 (4), 925-949. Available: https://capitadiscovery.co.uk/roehampton/items/eds/aph/111472108?query=class+inequalities+in+political+engagement&resultsUri=items%3Fquery%3Dclass%2Binequalities%2Bin%2Bpolitical%2Bengagement%26target%3Deds%26facet%255B0%255D%3Dfulltext%253Ayes&facet%5B0%5D=fulltext%3Ayes&target=eds. Last accessed 3rd March 2017.

Laurison, D. (2016). Social Class and Political Engagement in the United States. Sociology Compass. 10 (8), 684-698. Available: https://capitadiscovery.co.uk/roehampton/items/eds/edb/117124471?query=social+class+and+political+engagement&resultsUri=items%3Fquery%3Dsocial%2Bclass%2Band%2Bpolitical%2Bengagement%26offset%3D0%26target%3Deds&target=eds. Last accessed 3rd March 2017.

McFarland, D., Thomas, R. (2006). Bowling Young: How Youth Voluntary Associations Influence Adult Political Participation. American Sociological Review. 71, 401-425. Available: https://ed.stanford.edu/sites/default/files/mcfarland/ASR2006.pdf. Last accessed 3rd March 2017.

Metro. (2013). Seven social classes in UK not three, says major economic, cultural and social study. Available: http://metro.co.uk/2013/04/03/seven-social-classes-in-uk-not-three-says-major-economic-cultural-and-social-study-3580676/. Last accessed 3rd March 2017.

Sociology Guide. (2017). Challenges to Traditional Class Analysis. Available: http://www.sociologyguide.com/social-stratification/Characteristics-of-Social-Class.php. Last accessed 3rd March 2017.

Tilley, J. (2016). The working-class vote is fed up with democracy. Available: http://blogs.spectator.co.uk/2017/02/working-class-vote-fed-democracy/. Last accessed 3rd March 2017.