The 2017 election was one for the books. We witnessed the rise of an untouched demographic, and how Labour’s game-changing tactic almost proved to be the fatal winning blow. However, this turn of events was not quite the one-eighty switch we first expected. Although the 2017 election is the talk of the town, there are further problems in British politics that need to be addressed – Issues of inequality. With reference to the 2017 election, I will be looking at how social class can affect civic engagement and what measures could be taken to ensure participation from all social backgrounds in future elections.
Ipsos Mori surmised that those who voted in the 2017 election were more likely to come from social classes (AB) and (C1) at 68 and 69 percent, whereas categories (C2) and (DE) held percentages of 60 and 53 See Figure 1. (Ipsos Mori 2017). What about the large youth turn out? You may ask. Those statistics are even more shocking, with categories (C2) and (DE) turning out at 49 and 35 percent. What does this show? That there is a relationship between social background and voting. Depending on where you categorize in the public eye can determine whether you are more likely to vote in general elections. In this case, those from privileged socioeconomic backgrounds are more likely to cast a ballot than those from less affluent backgrounds. This gap between these class categories has only created various issues that affect the structure of the general democratic system (Ipsos Mori 2015).
Figure 1. Voting by Social Class. Ipsos Mori (2017).
How did the gap show up in the first place? Its existence is thanks to the lack of social mobility in political engagement, also defined as ‘Political mobility’ (Brady et al 2015). Political Mobility, the ‘Social reproduction of inequalities in political engagement’, boils down the issues of class and civic engagement to two concepts: Education and family. Youths from disadvantaged backgrounds have less access to civic education compared to advantaged peers. This is due to the ‘postcode lottery’, where affluent, wealthier institutions in so-called posh territories are able to provide more opportunities for their peers, unlike their disadvantaged counterparts (Hoskins & Janmaat 2018). Parents’ socioeconomic status and political stimuli is also a factor that affects children’s political activity, with scholars noting that participation of politics at home and the socioeconomic processes that provide civic education being the two premises that affect a child’s political activity (Schlozman, Verba, and Brady 2012, 177–98). From this, we can suggest there is a continuing cycle that keeps socioeconomic inequality in the twilight. Why is this important? If we have one class of people participating more than others, we are left with a ruling class. We lose the ability to path our future and our voice along with it.
British politics are at risk of its legitimacy. Democracy is not a democracy without more than one party. We are heading for a ‘Diploma Democracy’, a society where the politicians and voters are the educated members of society, and the non-voters are disenchanted and ‘out of the picture’ (Bovens and Wille 2017). Britain is slowly turning into a Populist society, where ‘the corrupt elite’ hoodwinks their ideas for personal gain to the demise of the British public, or the ‘the pure people’ (Muddle 2017). We are heading for a society where British youths will be left disadvantaged and powerless, not to mention distrustful towards politicians.
Although it seems we are moving into the direction of a Diploma Democracy, I should say there is a minor improvement. In regards to social class, not many people who did not vote in 2015 nor 2016 voted in 2017. Figure 2 represents 40 years of British election results. The results indicate the eroding dividing lines of class, with Labour appealing to the educated ‘cosmopolitan dwellers’, and the Tories’ appealing to a ‘more urbanized’ middle class (Financial Times 2017).
Figure 2. The role of class in British Politics is growing weaker. Ipsos Mori (2017).
In correlation to Figure 2, Figure 3 shows that education levels seem to be a diminishing factor as well. In fact, the Conservative party gained 17 points among voters with no qualifications and 7 points from individuals who were educated at a lower degree, unlike what was seen in the 2015 election where the Tories held up well across most education levels and Labour only having support from those in category (DE) from ages 18-24 (Ipsos Mori 2017).
Figure 3. How Britain voted: Education level is another clear dividing line. Ipsos Mori (2017).
With that being said, we have a little more breathing space. Although we are on track to become a Diploma Democracy, the 2017 election is a clear example that the breaks have been applied, but ever so gently. So, how can we put this democratic vehicle in reverse? Make drastic physical changes. Schools need to introduce compulsory civic education, hold compulsory mock debates or any form of learning that could provide the necessary knowledge that is required from each citizen of this nation, as making children participate in political activities as part of a curriculum can have substantial implications for how the child perceives political activity (Jennings 2002) (Hoskins & Janmaat 2018). Also, by making it compulsory to those younger than 18 will likely counteract the disengagement of disadvantaged communities from the democratic process, resulting in a much more civically aware, united community (George 2018).
There is still sand in the hourglass – It’s up to us to make the change.
Castillo, J.C., Miranda, D., Bonhomme, M., Cox, C. and Bascopé, M., (2015). Mitigating the political participation gap from the school: the roles of civic knowledge and classroom climate. Journal of Youth Studies. 18(1). pp.16-35.
Financial Times (2017). Election 2017: How the UK voted in 7 charts. Available at: https://www.ft.com/content/dac3a3b2-4ad7-11e7-919a-1e14ce4af89b. (Accessed: 02/03/2019)
Ipsos Mori (2017). How Britain voted in the 2017 election. Available at: https://www.ipsos.com/ipsos-mori/en-uk/how-britain-voted-2017-election. (Accessed: 02/03/2019)
Ipsos Mori (2015). How Britain voted in the 2015 election. Available at: https://www.ipsos.com/ipsos-mori/en-uk/how-britain-voted-2015.(Accessed: 02/03/2019)
Muddle, C. & Kaltwasser, R. C. (2017). Populism: A very short introduction. Oxford University Press, USA.
TES (2018). Call for debates to be compulsory for all secondary pupils. Available at: https://www.tes.com/news/call-debates-be-compulsory-all-secondary-pupils. (Accessed: 03/03/2019)
Verba, S., Lehman Schlozman, K., & Brady, H. E. (1995). Voice and equality: civic voluntarism in American politics. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.