BLOG 2 Inequalities and Political Engagement

The intersectionality of inequalities in political engagement

Within this blog we will look at intersectionality utilising data of minority groups specifically, ethnicity and gender within  the political framework. We will explore the significance of representation in politics. Using data from the house of commons, as well as Ipsos MORI (a global market researcher).The data used in this blog from Ipsos Mori, are estimates  produced through data collection regarding gender voting trends (as well as age and homeowner ship).

It must be noted that there is difficulty, in gathering precise data concerning the voting practices of certain groups, however national polling gives us an idea, and in combination with data, from the 2011 census we may conduct estimates of vote shares, across varying social factors.

Intersectionality comes in where these factors ethnicity, gender, social class overlap or intersect and may consequentially, place two lenses not often experienced and therefore not often considered by the majority.

Let’s begin with the potential ethnic disparities that arise within political engagement. A report titled ‘Ethnic diversity in politics and public life’, from the house of commons library authored by Elise Uberoi and Rebecca Lees, indicates that only in the last decade, has the number of Members of Parliament, from ethnic minorities increased.

To help contextualise in 2019 14.4% of the total population were part of an ethnic minority. Of this 14.4%, 1.7% were mixed, 7.5% Asian, 3.4% black and finally 1.8% other. This data came from an annual survey of the population conducted in 2019. In 2005 the number of ethnic minority MPs (members of parliament) was at a mere 15 members of an ethnic minority background. By 2019 this number had quadrupled to (65 members). You may begin to ask  why has this change occurred? What impact has it had? Here we will critically reflect as to Why there has been significant growth in diversity of MPs since the early 2000’s.

Now of these 65 members of parliament (belonging or identifying with an ethnic minority group) present in 2019, 41 supported labour, 22 conservative and 2 liberal democrats. In addition, over half of these 65 ethnic minority MPs are in fact female (37). Here we have a clear intersection of gender and ethnicity. These women (which will be discussed later) are integral to what is known as descriptive representation.

There is a trend or pattern, for the labour party, having ethnic minority MPs that were elected at General Elections, and this trend has prevailed since 1987. Here you may ask yourself …What are the potential reasons for this? What makes the labour party more appealing? And when might one’s mind change in terms of which party they choose to support?

In 2019. we reached a diversity milestone according to British Future, (a company that provides research on public opinion into topics of immigration, race and ethnicity).

Returning to the fact that a lot of the Ethnic Minority Members of Parliament were in fact women, let us look at levels of female political engagement. First and foremost, this is a clear area of intersectionality. Not only are they women, but women from varying ethnic backgrounds.

So, in 2019 there were 220 female Members of the House of commons. (34% of the total- an all time high) up from 208 in the 2017 GE and from 191 in the GE of 2015. Women in politics and governance have seen more recognition or success in obtaining positions/seats within the House of commons. So of these 220 women, 104 supported the labour party (they make up 51% of labour party candidates) 87 conservative females (a % of 24 in terms of total party members that are women) and finally 7of the 220 were liberal democrats, these 7 women make up 64% of the liberal democrat representatives. The end of the 20^th century saw female representation become a topic of discussion amongst political theorists.

Within theory political representation is outlined as making citizens a part of public policy making.We must acknowledge that within the political framework there are 4 forms of representation (proposed by Hanna Pitkin); 1. Authorised 2. descriptive 3. Symbolic 4 substantive. Now here we wish to apply the importance of descriptive representation (Pitkin’s herself dismisses the representation as it removes focus on the action of representatives)

From the data above, it can be said that there has been an increase in representation; within the house of parliament in terms of seats held by ethnic minorities and women. As for the public domain, Ipsos MORI indicates a trend of equality in terms of seats held and likelihood to vote between male and female voters, whilst amongst ethnic minorities there remains a gap in levels of representation and perhaps even engagement. When these factors coincide, and young females from ethnic minorities, do not see themselves represented in the political domain, it deflates the efforts, of the already struggling, citizenship education curriculum (refer to blog 1).

Descriptive representation promotes the ideology that those with shared characteristics, share similar values, and therefore should be entitled to the right to representation of their values.

Descriptive representation is important, particularly when trying to engage younger generations. From a personal perspective, a perceived lack of descriptive representation within political institutions, led me to assume that because I was a young woman, I would not always be taken seriously by superiors. That men would undermine my capabilities or because of my ethnicity that my intelligence would be dismissed. I’m not speaking for everyone but perhaps a small minority will be able to recall things that have made them feel small, unheard or unseen.

Currently statistics in terms of youth, gender, and ethnic minority engagement, have shown positive trends since the 2019 general election, but a lot has happened in that time, which has challenged government and public cohesion (Brexit and its implications as well as covid regulation). We need to keep working to close the gap, so that the 14.4% ethnic minority population of the UK and the UKs adolescent voting population and women of the UK, feel represented and mobilize themselves in to more active participation and engagement.

So far, the data I have looked at from Ipsos MORI and the House of Commons is not enough to extrapolate inequalities of intersectional engagement. The data is limited in that it doesn’t examine the nuances of inequalities within engagement of those in overlapping social and demographic groups.

I personally believe greater attention to descriptive representation and its role within intersectional levels of engagement, may help better understand the nuances of inequalities across intersectional groups.

References

Ballinger, S., 2019. ‘Diversity milestone’ as one in ten MPs now from an ethnic minority background., s.l.: British Future.

Barton, C., 2020. GE2019: How did demographics affect the result?, s.l.: House of Commons Library.

Elise Ubero, C. W. a. E. K.-W., 2020. Women in parliament and government, s.l.: House of Commons Library.

Gideon Skinner, K. P. a. D. S., 2019. How the voters voted in the 2019 election, s.l.: IPSOS MORI.

Lees, E. U. a. R., 2020. Ethnic diversity in politics and public life, s.l.: House of Commons Library.

Lovenduski, S. C. a. J., 2013. Political Representation. The Oxford Handbook of Gender and Politics, pp. 1-27.

Maccoby, E. E., 2000. Perspectives on gender development. International Journal of Behavioral Development, 24(4), pp. 398-406.

Rosie Campbell, R. S. E. R.-M. a. R. d. G., 2021. The political, institutional, and electoral context shapes UK gender vote gaps, even when underlying gender differences in preferences remain similar, s.l.: LSE British Politics and Policy.

The Electoral Commission, 2004. Gender and Political Participation, London: The Electoral Commission .